June 7th, 2009 admin
RDF Schema Definition Language&rft.aulast=&rft.aufirst=&rft.subject=Comparative Ontology&rft.subject=theory&rft.source=The Transducer&rft.date=2009-06-07&rft.type=&rft.format=text&rft.identifier=http://transducer.ontoligent.com/?p=534&rft.language=English">
When I get the time, I’m going to write a vocabulary creation language to support structuralist text interpretation. It will consist of two specs: one to handle the marking up the surface features of text, such as rhetorical figures and tropes. This will be based on my work with the Princeton Charrette Project and it will likely incorporate some ideas from Steven Bird’s work on annotation graphs. The second will be either an extension of or a variant of SKOS and|or OWL designed to represent extracted symbolic structures. It will incorporate predicates to handle relations of signification, such as has_part, has_analogy, and has_metonym, between the elements represented in the first language. At a larger level, I want to represent holistic dimensions such as context and level, as well as narratological things like encompassment, transformation, inversion, and liminality.
One of the big problems I see in this project is an apparent limitation in RDF to support triples about triples. For example, an analogy is a relation between structures, not terms. The assertion A : B :: C : D is, at minumum, an assertation about the relationship between two assertations, A : B and C : D. (The predicate of the assertions themselves is usually X has_part Y.) An anology looks something like this then:
[A has_part B] just_as [C has_part D]
The easiest way to accomplish this task would be to provide URIs for each RDF triple. I haven’t seen a general solution to this problem. I know I can create local URIs within a specific triple store, and use these in triples. But I need to define an RDF triple as a datatype first. And I anticipate problems further downstream; I wonder if the current RDF toolset is designed to handle indexing and inferencing of these kinds of triples.
If anyone has suggestions about how to handle this issue, I’d be glad to hear them.
AFTERTHOUGHT:
After writing this, it strikes me that to say that two triples are analogous is just to say that they share a predicate–so long as that predicate is sufficiently specified. To assert an analogy, then, is to assert that such an identity is important or relevant in a certain context.
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May 12th, 2009 admin
Comparative ontology asserts that humans already have ontologies, and that machine ontologies are both projections of human ontologies (those of the numerati) and material agents that intervene in the ongoing reproduction of ontologies (everyone else’s). Developers of ontologies for the web of linked data would do well to understand the nature of human ontologies, as well as they way machine ontologies intervene in the ongoing construction of social life.
Human ontologies are not like ROM programs, hard-wired into our brains and executed without modification; they are designed to be reprogrammed through engagement with the world. They are one of our most effective adaptive traits.
Ontologies are adaptive
Anthropologists have studied ontologies in the wild for a long time, under the various categories of “structure,” “symbolism,” “culture” and “collective representations.” One of the most important contributors to the study of ontology is the American cultural anthropologist Marshall Sahlins.
Sahlins began as a cultural materialist but had a road to Damascus experience in the 1970s in which he got culture. You may recognize his name as the unfortunate target of fellow anthropologist Gananath Obeyesekere, who criticized Sahlins’ interpretation of the events leading to Captain Cook’s death in Hawai’i as orientalist. In fact, Obeyesekere’s criticism was an exercise in occidentalist stereotyping and, in any case, Sahlins’ control of the material eventually proved his critic’s position incoherent.
Sahlins’ principal theoretical contibution to cultural anthropology has been to retrieve the concept of cultural structure of the ahistorical, formalist, and mechanistic conception developed by Lévi-Strauss, whose own work on mythology belies his more theoretical pronouncements. Rather than separating structure from event (and history), and locating the former deeply within a universal mind–like a camshaft responsible for the jigsaw puzzle of culture–Sahlins focuses on what he calls the “structure of the conjuncture” of structure and event. History emerges as a culturally distinctive second-order structure that results from the ongoing work of categories in praxis. So categories have a structure, but that structure undergoes reevaluation and change as it is applied to the world.
In this, Sahlins is consistent with both Victor Turner’s understanding of processual structure in ritual behavior, and Bourdieu’s concept of the habitus which mediates, through improvization, the “dialectic of objectification and embodiment.” In fact, I believe that the revised structuralism developed by these anthropologists (and others) is coherent enough to deserve a name; I call it “neostructuralism.”
In Islands of History Sahlins describes the process of cultural (ontological) change in terms of the “risk of reference”: as cultures classify things in the world–as they deploy ontologies–they also put these ontologies at risk. For things in the world do not always behave as classified, or planned. Even the sun has an occasional eclipse. Although the keepers of culture–from priests to grandmothers–try to enforce adherence to the categories, the behavior of things will inevitably contradict the categories and call for their revision. Sahlins reads the Hawai’ian’s classification of Captain Cook as Lono as just such a world changing event.
Ritual is one mechanism humans use to synchronize the world with world view. As people grow, for example, and change statuses, rites of passage are used to mediate this “contradiction” and reclassify people so that they can fit into the system. Another mechanism is prophecy, where the reverse is true–world views are aligned with a world that has changed. Millenarian movements are the classic example of this: a prophet emerges who can make sense of the new in terms of the old, but changes the old in the process.
Rituals and prophetic movements are the original forms of change management.
This is the ongoing work of culture. Cultural reproduction is never mechanical. That is one reason we humans have history. There is always a disproportion between words and things, plans and situations.
Texts, as forms of discourse, can be likened to rituals and prophetic movements. Novels in particular are efforts to both makes sense of an influence the world, a task in which they often succeed. They deploy a set of categories that make sense, to the author at least, in a certain time and place. The risk of reference works at various levels–from the basal meanings of words out of which tropes are created, to the description of scenes in which the unsaid is shared among a presumed audience, to more elaborate allegorical mappings of fictional characters to real persons. But the referrential risk of textuality is compounded as the message is removed from its original personal, cultural, and historical contexts, and the world of the text is forced to fit new contexts for new readers. Hermeneutics arose as a method to retrieve meanings lost in this way; Roman Law and the Christian Bible being two major examples of distanced texts being applied and reapplied to new situations. The French philosopher and hereneutic theorist Paul Ricoeur called the result of this risk the “surplus of meaning” in a text, and saw it at as an opportunity for a kind of ontological excavation.
Databases (and the point of this post)
Now, a data model, such as a set of tables and fields in a relational database, an XML schema of elements and attributes, or an RDF vocabulary of classes and properties, is a plan, a schema of classification. And database applications, like rituals and texts, have their own forms of referential risk to contend with. They classify the world and, in the process, both effect the world they classify and open themselves up for revision by that world as it changes.
For example, the categories produced by a requirements elicitation process for an application designed to improve some workflow, and encoded in a database that sits at the bottom of an application stack, may not accurately represent the workflow as it is actually practiced, and as it will inevitably change as new developments take place–changing personnel, clients, strategic plans, etc. The database, then, is put into a situation–the situation of the conjuncture–into which its categories are at risk.
In this situation, databases are like texts–they are built on the armature of a hard-coded ontology, and they can move beyond their original domain of applicatibility.
But unlike most texts, and very much like sacred texts, database applications (and their administrators) are usually given a central position within an organization. They are often deployed as key elements of an enterprise architecture that calls the institutional shots. Thus they can insulate themselves from referential risk. They can force conformity to their logic–as Michael Wesch’s New Guinea villagers redesigned their settlement pattern to conform to the government census–or they can produce a black market of behaviors in an organization that bypasses the database governed workflow. This is what faculty do who are forced to use an LMS but would rather use Google Docs.
Comparative ontology can help here. If we view ontologies as always situated, then we should (1) design systems for maximum flexibility and adaptabilty, and (2) learn a lesson from the ritual life of peoples around the world and throughout history: engage our ontologies in constant reevaluation and modification, making the world (of our organizations) fit where appropriate, and also refining the categories to fit the world.
To meet the first challenge, we shouldn’t create overwrought ontologies, but rather focus on just enough classification to achieve the effects we need. Usually, the effects we are most concerned with are connecting people to people, people to information, and information to information, in as few links as possible.
To meet the second challenge, we may want to refine what we mean by “social operating system”–for that is precisely what a ritual system is. Maybe it’s time to follow McLuhan’s advice and exploit the ritual effects of the electric, in order to mitigate and shape the more dangerous effects of the electronic. When we build ontologies, maybe we should also be thinking of the physical and virtual spaces in which they will be deployed, and the material and digital artifacts that will be their vehicles of expression.
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April 25th, 2009 admin
Symbols — from core symbols like the Virgin of Guadalupe to abstract ones like the whiteness of Melville’s whale — fix and generate ontological categories. How and why this happens is a question of deep interest to me, but that it is true seems obvious and well established. Human beings create symbols like plants produce oxygen, and symbol formation is inextricably bound to a defining trait of human beings — rich, discursive, and always already metacognitive language (human beings have always talked about talking, a practice that must be regarded as intrinsic to human language). Linguistics up to now, wedded as it has been to a Chomskyian Cartesianism, has missed this role, although philosophers have not lost sight of it. As Ricoeur wrote, “the symbol gives rise to thought.”
The relationship between language and symbolism is complex and (still) not well understood. My own view is close to that of the (admittedly discredited in its original form) generative semantics school, associated with George Lakoff. I believe that categories and rules are in some way generated by the transduction of meaning that takes place between neural representations of concrete objects. Discursive language — not “deep grammar” — tries to fix these meanings in propositional form, but the symbolic substrate has a dynamic quality, in no small measure do to its adaptive nature in response to what Merleu-Ponty called the “primacy of perception.”
With writing and then printing, and the monopolization of explicit knowledge, in the form of written records, reference works, etc., by governments, universities, etc., the relationship between discursive fixation and embodied symbols becomes tenuous and contested, resulting in a mind/body problem unfamiliar to ritual societies.
In any case, a number of practical observations follow from this tenet, which I will quickly enumerate, and hopefully take up later:
- Human ontologies are not plans.
- Human ontologies are overdetermined. That is, there is always more than one way to express an ontology The fixing of meanings will always fail if the goal is to create non-overlapping, non-redundant descriptions.
- Human ontologies are rhizomic. In their natural form, ontologies are not hierarchical. Rather, the hierarchical representation is one form of serialization that works well because of its analogy to kinship (see Durkheim and Mauss, Primitive Classification).
- Human ontologies are local and situated.
- Human ontologies evolve.
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April 25th, 2009 admin
Just as institutions require shared ontologies to function, so are institutions involved in creating the categories that nake up ontologies. Admittedly, assigning agency to institutions poses a number of questions that need to be answered; I won’t attempt that here. Essentially, I follow Mary Douglas (see video below), especially her How Institutions Think. The categories and rules that comprise human ontologies follow and enable a practical logic that in turn enables sustainable human interaction.
A corollary idea to this is that ontologies exist (in large part) to mediate social action. They are the result of human beings’ mutual calibration of individual cognition through collective interaction. Typcially, this calibration takes place through ritual. But media (old and new) — which grow out of but eventually displace ritual — also take on this role. (McLuhan’s frequent reference to ritual to describe the effects of new media is telling.)
“Social Life Makes the Categories“
The late Mary Douglas being interviewed in 2006
about her book Purity and Danger.
See the full interview and films at ScienceStage.
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April 25th, 2009 admin
This is the first in a series of posts in which I define some of the tenets of comparative ontology, in order try to flesh out its significance to the work of making and using RDF vocabularies.
The overwhelming conclusion to be drawn from the ethnographic record is that human beings are surprisingly structured in their thinking and behavior, even when that behavior seems to be random and non-linear. Although it is a commonplace to observe that social life is inherently messy, unpredictable, and resistant to capture by physics-like laws (post-Einsteinian included) it remains true that patterns of culture are remarkably widespread and persistent. Languages, marriage practices, calendar systems, gift exchange systems, markets, etc. — essentially, any functional human institution — all rely on shared categories and rules to operate, and these are discoverable and describable. The mistake of the structuralists was to conceive of these categories and rules as logical in a formal, almost scholastic sense, like a plan that agents follow strictly. Instead, it is more likely that they exist as dispositions that constrain behavior and encourage improvization, as Bourdieu describes in his idea of the habitus (which he got from Mauss, by the way).
To the extent that formal RDF ontologies are meant to mediate human-computer interaction (and not simply allow computers to share information), ontologies should be designed to interdigitate with the categories of their human participants. Machine ontologies should be interoperable with human ontologies. They should be designed to encourage the symbiotic development and evolution of human collective representations (to use Durkheim’s expression), given the role of the networked computer and computer network as an institution in its own right.
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April 16th, 2009 admin
Following up on my last two posts (here and here), I thought I’d flesh out a little more what I mean by Comparative Ontology — and, at this point, maybe I need a handle for the concept, like CO or “comp-ont.”
First thought: I imagine that a comp-ont vocabulary could be accomplished in two ways: (1) by just using existing vocabulary definition languages (RDFS and OWL) to create a new vocabulary, or (2) by creating a new vocabulary definition language using, say, Rodney Needham’s codification of English Structuralism in Symbolic Classification.
As an example of type 1, one might deploy the implicit ontology of Kautilya’s Arthashastra (with maybe a little of Machiavelli’s Prince thrown in) using OWL to create an “Enemy of an Enemy” (EOAE) vocabulary. This would be a useful vocabulary for describing political agents, linking them through the negative transitive logic of political alliance formation, with the result that you could actually predict or suggest alliances that don’t yet exist. I can imagine this vocabulary describing people (politicians, pundits, etc.), ideas, institutions, etc., and applied to daily news sources.
As an example of type 2, my question would be whether constructs like analogy or metonymy could be constructed on top of set theory (OWL) or if it would require a whole new system (and therefore logic of inference.)
Second thought: It strikes me that one way to bring home the value of comp-ont is to view it in the context of knowledge management (KM). Clearly there is a strong connection between KM and ontology (and the semantic web and linked data). But within KM, it is clear that ontologies can’t just be logical. Ontologies must be practical, and intelligible to the people in an organization who engage in ontology-mediated knowledge transfer. They must serve the purpose of mediating between individual and collective memory. But this is precisely what the great ontological systems from the ethnographic record provide — from Australian totemic systems to Mayan calendars. Viewed from the perspective of social memory, then, it makes a great deal of sense to build KM ontologies on general principles adduced from anthropological examples, and described in terms of structuralism.
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April 14th, 2009 admin
So, I make the claim in my previous post on Comparative Ontology that comparativsim will help us make better ontologies and tools for using them. I realize I did not actually make that case. Let me try to do that now, although, to be honest, I view the claim as an interesting direction to follow (i.e. a hunch), not an established fact.
My argument is pretty simple. The Semantic Web, as everyone knonws, has a big problem — in order for it to succeed, producers of web content have to mark up texts using RDF, with its long URIs and arcane vocabularies. Most folks think this is a deal killer. In addition, many agree with Shirky’s claim that ontology is overrated in the first place. (The meme even makes an appearance in Michael Wesch’s viral “The Machine is Us/Using Us.”)
I hold out hope, though. I think tools can be created to make the data entry part a lot easier–withness Drupal 6. I also think content creators show a remarkable tendency to use tags, enter metadata, and engage in otherwise tedious SEO techniques if they know that they will get something out of it. This tendency is especially strong among digital humanitists, digital librarians, and other creators and curators of digital collections. (Think of the time people have put into TEI!) Right now, they don’t see a lot a ROI from using RDF. But that is changing, and faster than many think.
As is often remarked, it’s a classic chicken and egg argument. But such problems are actually liberating, since you can intervene at any point in the cycle and have an effect. One juncture in the cycle is in the design of vocabularies.
The problem now is that vocabularies and ontologies are just not sticky enough, and I think a big reason for this is that they are written from the perspective of symbolic logic and set theory. These frameworks, though comprehensive, are not human (enough). On the other hand, there is a whole tradition of describing cognitive systems called structuralism, which has the advantage of being empirically grounded in the longstanding comparative study of culture. It stands to reason that if we created vocabularies using more “human” constructs–such as analogy, metonymy, etc.–and vocabularies that recognized the role of verbs in predicates, then we might be able to produce more sticky ontologies.
It also opens a way to harvest the latent ethnographic data contained in folksonomies.
But I’ll leave it at that for now.
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April 14th, 2009 admin
The Semantic Web has popularized the concept of ontology. The usual definition one sees for the term is Gruber’s “specification of a conceptualization” (Gruber 1993). The definition could use some unpacking. Essentially, it refers to the idea that the terms used by AI agents should be defined by reference to a shared schema which classifies those terms. The shared schema, or specification, simply defines how terms are related to each other in a graph. More than a simple data model, where the relationships between entities or objects are not explicitly defined, an ontology also names the possible relationships between terms. So, instead of just having “address” as a field of the entity “person,” an ontology will explicity assert that a person has an address. So verbs (which are often buried in “predicates”) are an important part of ontologies. In fact, one way to think of an ontology is to call it a data model with verbs. (Sort of.)
Ontologies are useful for programming agents, which are just programs that consume and produce information on their own. (I call them infophages.) So, when you program an agent to respond to a term, you have the agent’s program refer to an ontology to disambiguate the term among synonyms, and to make logical inferences about the term. For example, if the agent encounters the term “Socrates,” it will be found to be specified as a member of the class “Human” and since “Human” will have the property “is Mortal,” the agent can transfer the property to “Socrates” too. (Truth, or validity, is just traceability within a reference graph.)
Or, if the agent encounters the word “Madonna,” and that term is formally specified as part of an ontology (say, by using Tim Berners-Lee’s URI method), the agent will be able to trace its class to either “Pop Singers” or “Religious Figures” or “Christian Iconography” or whatever.
Sometimes–often–ontologies are described as if they provide “meaning” for agents. Even the term Semantic Web implies this. When introduced to novices, the Semantic Web is often introduced as bringing “meaning” to the web. I find this explanation misleading at best. Meaning is much to too important of a word to describe what is going on here, which is simply a layer of classification being added to what would other wise be a list of terms. Ontologies are just systems of classification for terms, a second-order set of terms that (1) increases the probability that an agent can process a term in a way that users will expect, and (2) adds a layer of connectivity, above the raw verbiage on the web, that decreses the average distance, or degress of separation, between any two terms.
So, ontologies have two properties that make them useful and, as I want to argue, usefully viewed from a comparative perspective. First, they introduce verbs into the mix of data modelling. Second, they are just systems of classification–like Australian totemic systems, Mayan calendars, and Western philosophical ontologies such as Aristotle’s and Leibniz’s.
Comparativism will help us create better ontologies, and better systems for using ontologies, in two ways.
First, comparativism can train our attention on the great rabbit warren of words and meanings that lies at the heart of the ostensibly neat world of triples–I refer to the predicates. Although the nouns that comprise the vocabularies for subjects and objects in RDF can be neatly specified as analytic taxonomies of terms, predicates are subject to no such rules, and can contain within themselves whole sentences. Unlike the nouns, predicates mask a great deal of what Kant would call “synthetic judgements.” I propose a sociolinguistic approach to the use of verbs embedded in the predicate systems of linked data vocabularies that will provide a better basis for crafting predicates.
Second, comparativsm can help us move beyond set theory–useful as it is–to consider other totalizing schemes for organizing ideas, such as those described by anthropologists. I mentioned totemic systems, calendars, and Western ontologies. But there are many others to consider. What is more, anthropologists have done a great deal to describe, classify, interpret, and even explain these. Such an approach would be grounded in the following works, all of which define or grow out of the structuralist tradition within anthropology:
- Emile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, 1903, Primitive Classification.
- Louis Dumont, 1966, Homo Hierarchicus.
- Michel Foucault, 1966, The Order of Things.
- Claude Lévi-Strauss, 1968, The Savage Mind.
- Victor Tutner, 1969, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure.
- Mary Douglas, 1970, Natural Symbols.
- Pierre Bourdieu, 1977 [1972], Outline of a Theory of Practice.
- Alfred Gell, 1975, Metamorphosis of the Cassowaries.
- Rodney Needham, 1975, Polythetic Classification.
- Edmund Leach, 1976, Culture and Communication.
- Marshall Sahlins, 1978, Culture and Practical Reason.
- Jadran Mimica, 1988, Intimations of Infinity.
And so forth.
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