November 3rd, 2011 Rafael Alvarado
What was Steve Job’s greatest contribution to industry? According to Isaacson, he either transformed or invented six industries: personal computing, desktop publishing, animated film, music, telephony, and tablet computing. Isaacson also notes that Jobs successfully reimagined the retail store in an era when bricks and mortar were being replaced by virtual storefronts like Amazon. Fair enough. But what is missing in this account is something much more profound. Jobs reinvented capitalism. Or at least he advanced its reinvention far beyond the movements initiated by the virtual economics of Amazon, EBay, and PayPal. Looking back at the iPod, the watershed product event in Job’s return to Apple, most attribute its singular success to the design and aesthetics of the object itself — it’s characteristic Zen-like simplicity, its almost sexual good looks, its legendary usability. But to do so is to engage in a fetishism of both the political economic and sexual kinds. For one aspect of the iPod’s usability that tends to be overlooked is the way it managed the relationship between the user to the music, the consumer to the product. As Jobs famously noted, although you can use an MP3 player with pirated music, you end up working for less than minimum wage in the time you spend finding, downloading, copying, and cataloging files. Much better to have a service like iTunes do that for you. But iTunes is of course much more than a music and media organizer. It is an actual store — and entire inventory waiting to be purchased — sitting on your computer, or, eventually with the iPhone, in your pocket. What the iPod did was to extend the business model of Amazon into the very fabric of personal space, providing a material conduit between consumer and producer, between labor and capital. The iPod, the iPhone, and the iPad are therefore avatars of capital, material embodiments of a relationship between people and the virtual reality known as capital, which, by virtue of their beauty and ease of use, become both conduits to and distractions against that reality. As smart phones and other devices, from cars to washing machines, become “smarter” and connected to various service providers, this kind of cloud capitalism will become more dominant. The Kindle Fire, which marks Amazon’s appropriation of Job’s discovery, is just the start.
Posted in Political Economy | No Comments »
November 3rd, 2011 Rafael Alvarado
Now that Steve Jobs has passed away and Walter Isaacson’s fair but inevitably approving biography has been read by large numbers of the self-identified leadership class, we can expect a period in which many will imitate the leadership style of the deceased as a means to success. Let us hope it is short lived. For the conclusion I suspect that many will draw is that it is OK, even necessary, to be an asshole so long as one imagines oneself to be creating beauty and saving the world along the way. Although Jobs fits the MO of so many successful creatives in history (I think of Ezra Pound), each of whose genius seems to be not only closely bound up with but intrinsically related to their lack of social grace, few, very few people actually possess the creative wherewithal to justify the social cost of said genius. This is because genius is not merely a matter of genes. Reading Isaacson’s biography I am struck by the degree to which Jobs was a product of a series of convergent trends in the particular time and place of Silicon Valley in the late 1960s and early 1970s, a place where even working class neighborhoods were inhabited by engineers involved with cutting edge technologies. Jobs could not have happened without his participation in a community invested in electronic culture and his witnessing and joining in the bad manners and counter-cultural ethos of the time. The simultaneous presence of a new cultural assemblage — the electronic gone mainstream — and a rejection of all authority and received wisdom, save that of distant and distorted Asia, allowed him to invent an aesthetics of the electronic that would be distinctive of the Apple brand. (As for Job’s aesthetic itself, it seems to owe largely to his father’s influence and, through him, the aesthetics of high car culture in the 1950s and 60s. Job’s computers in retrospect appear to be most like cars — integrated beautiful things that even an idiot can use.) The kind of success that Jobs achieved is not something that others, even possessing the same cognitive endowments, are likely to achieve simply by adopting what would become his notoriously unfeeling yet passionate leadership style. The cultural cross-currents and social compositions conducive to both Job’s character and his luck are just not available to everyone. So if you find yourself secretly considering this style or, worse, working for someone who has adopted it, remind yourself or that person of this — that it only works if you really can create something great, and that to create something great you have to be part of something great, a great world, such as was Silicon Valley in the 1960s. Better to work for creating that world than to assume it exists.
Posted in Management | 1 Comment »
May 11th, 2011 Rafael Alvarado
Let’s be honest—there is no definition of digital humanities, if by definition we mean a consistent set of theoretical concerns and research methods that might be aligned with a given discipline, whether one of the established fields or an emerging, transdisciplinary one. The category denotes no set of widely shared computational methods that contribute to the work of interpretation, no agreed upon norms or received genres for digital publication, no broad consensus on whether digital work, however defined, counts as genuine academic work. Instead of a definition, we have a genealogy, a network of family resemblances among provisional schools of thought, methodological interests, and preferred tools, a history of people who have chosen to call themselves digital humanists and who in the process of trying to define the term are creating that definition. How else to characterize the meaning of an expression that has nearly as many definitions as affiliates? It is a social category, not an ontological one.
As a social category, the term has a more or less clear set of organizational referents. Recently Matt Kirschenbaum reminded us that there is a peer-reviewed journal, a federal office, an annual conference, and an international network of academic centers associated with the term, not to mention an Oxford Companion. However the gap between the social and the ontological cannot avoid appearing as a kind of scandal. This is evident from the number of essays and blog posts that have emerged seeking to define the category, as well as from the playfully combative and defensive tone some remarks have taken. This anxiety of self-definition seems to indicate a new phase in the history of the field, one that may indicate the emergence of a territorial instinct in an environment of scare resources–even as the language of the “big tent” emerges. After all, the shift from Humanities Computing to the Digital Humarnities indexes a growth in the size and popularity of the community. With growth comes growing pains.
To many, the digital humanities feels like a small town that has recently been rated as a great place to raise a family. It is now inundated by developers who want to build condos for newcomers who are competing for resources and who may not understand local customs. Identity crises emerge when tacit, unspoken understandings and modes of interaction are disrupted by external contact and demographic shifts. In the quest to defend old ways and invent new ones, in-groups are defined, prophets emerge, witchcraft accusations are made, and people generally lose what communal solidarity they once had. The digital humanities community has not gone this far, but one cannot help but notice the disparity between the Woodstock feeling of THATCamp events and what appears to be the Altamont of DH 2011.
To be sure, all digital humanists share a common bond as humanists, scholars devoted to the interpretation of what Panofsky called “the records left my man [sic]”—works of literature, art, architecture, and other products and traces of human intellectual labor. More specifically, the sorts of humanists who have been drawn into the fold of digital humanities have had a distinct preference toward textual remains, even if we entertain pleas to consider non-verbal channels as well (usually originating from non-traditional fields, such as media studies). It remains an implicit (if discomfiting) assumption among digital humanists that, as Tim Bray put it, “knowledge is a text based application.” Consistent with this view, the typical digital humanist is a literary scholar, an historian, or a librarian—all traditional fields concerned with the management and interpretation of written documents. Others, such as myself, come from other backgrounds; but I believe it is no accident that the most recent buzz about the discipline was spawned by talks given at the MLA.
There are also many schools of thought under the sign who do share, within themselves, a more or less coherent set of methods and concerns. There is, of course, the old guard of humanities computing, trained in the digitization of textual sources using TEI and versed in the theoretical implications of this mode of representation. There is a newer community who embrace the “spatial humanities” through the use of mapping software in relation to textual (and other) sources, and who have shifted our attention toward visualization and human geography—an overlooked field that should rightly have its day. Alongside these there is a long running group of statistical critics, extending from Father Busa and IBM to Franco Moretti and Google, as well as other computational humanists who have been at it since the 1960s and who believe that counting words, applying the methods of computational linguistics, and observing patterns in large corpora will produce insights unreachable by mere reading. One could also point to the Critical Code Studies group and other schools of thought that have emerged in the space.
Taken as a whole, however, there is little connection among these groups beyond a shared interest in texts and the use of computational technologies to explore and understand them (as opposed to merely creating or distributing them). But more important, none of these groups, either in isolation or as a whole, has successfully demonstrated to the wider community of humanists that there are essential and irreplaceable gains to be had by the application of digital tools to the project of interpreting (and reinterpreting) the human record for the edification of society. To a disconcertingly large number of outsiders, the digital humanities qua humanities remains interesting but irrelevant. Anthony Grafton speaks for the majority when, in a recent New York Times piece, he repeats the platitude that the digital humanities is a means and not an end. (Given his stature in the field, his recent Road to Damascus experience at the AHA may indicate a turning of the tide—but the conversion of other prominent scholars has not produced such shifts in the past.)
Actually, I both underestimate Professor Grafton’s influence and exaggerate the acuteness of his turn toward digital media. I believe his vision for promoting digital history as president of the AHA will have a profound effect on turning the tide in his field, and not in small part because of his having “gotten religion” long before last January.
Now, if we use the term digital humanities and cannot define it, maybe we are thinking of such definitions in the wrong way. Maybe the traditional way of defining disciplines in the academy is all wrong. Instead of saying that physics is the study of matter and energy, or history the study of what people have done in the past, maybe we should say that physics is the work of those who read Newton and Einstein, who use various branches of mathematics, and who know how to construct experiments in a certain way. Or history is the work of people who know how to navigate archives and read old tax records and diaries and other textual remains, whereas archaeologists are those who know how to manage digs and how to retrieve, classify and interpret shards and bones.
This may sound forced for the hard sciences, but it is eminently reasonable for the humanities and social sciences. For what are the real differences between history, sociology, economics, anthropology, and archaeology? Each claims to address the structure and function of society. The answer is that each has mastered a particular domain of data—its acquisition, organization, analysis, and interpretation. Sociologists do surveys and statistics, interviews and content analysis. Cultural anthropologists do fieldwork and thick description. Economists count indicators and develop equations to relate them. Historians are very good at converting old documents and archives into stories. When an archaeologist starts to read such documents, we say she is doing “historical archaeology.” Document-reading anthropologists become ethnohistorians. And so forth.
Such a definition (which philosophers will recognize as a species of pragmatism) allows us to turn our attention to the practical and situated basis of the digital humanities. In this view, digital humanists are simply humanists (or interpretive social scientists) by training who have embraced digital media and who have a more or less deep conviction that digital media can play a crucial, indeed transformative, role in the work of interpretation, broadly conceived. Beyond this all bets are off. Because the category of digital media includes essentially everything afforded to the humanist by the presence of available computing—everything from crowd-sourcing and social media to natural language processing and latent semantic indexing to gaming and haptic immersion—the digital humanities is in principle associated with as many methods and tools as there are intersections between texts and technologies.
The complexity of the field is also multiplied by the modes of relationship that may characterize the intersection between computation and textuality in each case. Consider the difference between the practices of textual markup and the work associated with Critical Code Studies. The former subjects primary source texts to digital representation by means of code—XML, XSLT, etc.—whereas the latter treats code itself as text, seeking to apply principles of interpretation theory—hermeneutics, structuralism, etc.—to programming languages and, one hopes, markup languages as well. (One might include here Kirschenbaum’s Mechanisms, which treats hardware itself as text.) As Stephen Ramsey points out somewhere, practitioners of the former approach can be curiously uncritical of their tools and methods, checking their postmodernist perspectives at the door of the lab.
Consider also the case of databases. On the one hand, many scholars supplement their research by using data management tools to organize notes and references. On the other hand, there is an emerging school of thought, initiated by Lev Manovich, which regards the database itself as an object of criticism in its own right. The difference between the two approaches is like night and day, although one can imagine how one may profit from the other. Still a third mode of intersection is to regard technology as an allegory of textuality. For example, Wendy Hui Kyong Chun has employed the image of the fiber optic network as a frame for the interpretation of digitally mediated social interaction and text. So not only are there as many kinds of digital humanities as there are intersections between humanities and computation technology, that number is at least tripled by the kind of relationship that inheres in that intersection. To a humanist, computational technology is potentially tool, text, and metaphor.
Given this surplus of extensional meanings, there is simply no way to describe the digital humanities as anything like a discipline. Just think of the curricular requirements of such a field! Not only would the field require its members to develop the deep domain knowledge of the traditional humanist—distant reading notwithstanding—it would also demand that they learn a wide range of divergent technologies (including programming languages) as well as the critical discourses to situate these technologies as texts, cultural artifacts participating in the reproduction of social and cognitive structures. Granted the occasional polymath who may master all three, the scope of such a program is simply too vast and variegated. And in fact there has been no consensus among digital humanists about the basic elements of a curriculum, a problem we share with advocates of media fluency to define a curriculum for faculty development.
So, if the digital humanities is, neither in fact nor in principle, a discipline, then what is it? Surely, with its growing army of followers and plethora of concrete institutional manifestations, it must have some basis in a reality other than its own existence. In fact it does. The digital humanities, as both a broad collection of practices and an intense, on-going interpretive praxis generative of such practices, is best thought of as having two very concrete but equally elusive dimensions. One the one had, the digital humanities (conceived of in the plural) comprises something very much like a curriculum, an inter-related collection of subject domains and resources that, as a whole, contributes to both the construction of knowledge and the education of people. Although no one individual can master an entire curriculum, a curriculum nevertheless has a logic, a coherence, and even a center of gravity.
This leads to the second and more important dimension: that center of gravity is not a particular assemblage of technologies or methods but the on-going, playful encounter with digital representation itself. It is the encounter that the digital humanist discovers and finds at once revealing, satisfying, and an ineffable source of fellow feeling with his colleagues. This encounter is not regarded as merely a means to an end, but as an end in itself, in so much as the process of interpretation is often as rewarding as its products. I call this encounter the situation of digital representation, a stable but always-in-flux event space that is but a special case of the work, or praxis, of representation in general. Adult members of literate cultures for the most part have sublimated and forgotten this praxis, but it remains present to the minds children and poets, who are always learning how to read and write.
This, I believe, is what Stephen Ramsey means by “building.” Or at least it is a charitable misreading that retrieves the argument he makes when he suggests, essentially, that real digital humanists write code. In my rephrasing, real digital humanists are engaged in the play of representation, which profoundly involves putting things together, whether the vehicle of assembly be Lisp or Zotero. That marks a wide spectrum—but there is a common element of play, of productively mapping and remapping the objects and categories of scholarship in the rapidly changing, intrinsically plastic but structurally constraining media of digital technology. Without this play—to the extent that the scholar has a stand-off, do-this-for-me attitude toward the medium—then, no, she is not a digital humanist.
Digital humanists are aware that in the current historical moment, as the older mentalites of print literacy continue to be displaced and reworked, the humanist has the opportunity to immerse herself in the transductive plasma of interpretation where ideas and their expressive vehicles can be mapped and remapped in a variety of forms and frameworks, a giddy play of praxis that not all generations have the good fortune of witnessing. This experience cross-cuts all of the various discipline– and technology-specific instances of digital humanities work. To the extent that a common discourse is emerging to reflect on this experience across the disciplines, then the digital humanities is a real enough.
Posted in Digital Humanities | 10 Comments »
January 14th, 2010 Rafael Alvarado
My friend and colleague, David Miller (English, South Carolina), sends this along:
The University of South Carolina is seeking to appoint a Research Assistant Professor in Digital Humanities. Here is the text of the job advertisement:
Research Assistant Professor, Digital Humanities
The University of South Carolina College of Arts & Sciences seeks to appoint a specialist in Digital Humanities to support collaborative research and develop infrastructure for a proposed Center for Digital Humanities at South Carolina. Candidates should have a PhD in a humanities discipline, along with a strong background in computational research methodologies. Important skills for the position include an imaginative approach to collaborative research, efficient project management, strong grant-writing abilities, the ability to build coalitions and work cooperatively with a variety of partners, and the ability to communicate effectively with specialists in a variety of disciplines including Computer Science.
Nine-month salary $50,000 with benefits; summer salary to be supported by funded projects. Based on performance the position is annually renewable. Send letter and resume by February 15, 2010 to David Lee Miller, Director, Digital Humanities Initiative, Department of English, University of South Carolina, Columbia SC 29208.
The University of South Carolina is an affirmative action/equal opportunity employer. Minorities and women are especially encouraged to apply. The University of South Carolina does not discriminate in educational or employment opportunities or decisions for qualified persons on the basis of race, color, religion, sex, national origin, age, disability, sexual orientation or veteran status.
Posted in Digital Humanities | No Comments »
November 4th, 2009 Rafael Alvarado
“We must jump off Lévi-Strauss’s bus one stop before he does.“
Wendy Doniger, The Implied Spider, p. 149.
It is hard to overestimate the infliuence of Claude Lévi-Strauss, a French philosopher turned anthropologist who liked to be known as a craftsman, on the discourse of the humanities and social sciences in the second half of the twentieth century. Operating among a surplus of great thinkers (especially in France) during a period of the devaluation of the role of intellectual, his name nevertheless stands out not simply for having founded one of the most important intellectual movements of the century — structuralism — but for having defined the agenda, along with Wittgenstein, for a host of major thinkers up to the present time. Without Levi-Strauss, there is no Foucault, no Derrida, no Bourdieu, no Lyotard to both absorb and react to the idea of structure and the great anthropological tradition which served to flesh out the idea. For without Levi-Strauss, the vast storehouse of descriptive ethnography that he discovered and fully absorbed in America, in the New York Public Library, while in exile during the war, would never have reached Paris. The significance of these materials — many of them dry catalogs of cultural traits interspersed with tentative observations about the nature of culture — would never have caught the attention of the European eye. And without his role as cultural vector between American empirical ethnography and French philosophical anthropology, the deep well of ethnography in general might never have informed the imagination of deconstruction, poststructuralism, and postmodernism. Evidence for the influence of this source can be found everywhere, both implicitly, as in Foucault’s appropriation of the idea of mana to theorize power, and explicitly, as in Lyotard’s strong reference to Lévi-Strauss and the ethnographic example of the Cashinahua in the Postmodern Condition. Surprised by his fame and notoriously absent from the activism of the 1960s, Lévi-Strauss was the unmoved mover for an entire system of thinkers whose lights shone the brighter for their proximity to him.
Today the bus has stopped. For those of us who have followed Doniger’s advice — and you have to — perhaps now we may consider getting back on for a few more stops.
Posted in Anthropology | No Comments »
October 13th, 2009 Rafael Alvarado
Musings on Zacks, the Hippocampus, and Kafka
NOTE: This article has been modified slightly since I originally posted it. The section on the hippocampus has been subordinated to an inline note. It is interesting (at least I think so) but not part of the main argument I’m trying to make here.
A few weeks ago I had the good fortune of seeing Jeff Zacks give a talk entitled “Film, Narration, and Cognitive Neuroscience” at the Curry School of Education at U.Va. He was invited to speak by my colleague Glen Bull as part of the school’s Tea & Technology series (every Thursday at noon in Ruffner Library if you’re around). It was an excellent talk not only for its content, but for Zacks’ gift of clarity. At no point did the science overwhelm, and the talk had the useful effect of raising lots of interesting questions in
my mind and in the minds of others.
Zacks’ thesis is relatively straightforward: human beings have the capacity to perceive events as a series of discrete segments, and this capacity to segment events is correlated with the long-term memory of those events, as well as the ability to focus on and form concepts about the goings on in an event. There are big cognitive pay-offs to performing this work of segmentation, pay-offs which (predictably) are thought to correlate to evolutionary advantage. Interestingly, the boundaries that people spontaneously define for events — such as a sequence in a French film or a film of a man washing dishes (two examples used in Zacks’ experiments) — are widely shared. Where there is variance, subjects are either older or suffering from dementia (which gives me a really good feeling about the aging process). The mechanism for segmenting thus appears to be hard-coded and deeply rooted, probably in the hippocampus.
One of the things that intrigues me about Zacks’ work is the light it sheds on the hippocampus — the odd, chili pepper shaped organ that sits in the center of the brain. Conventional wisdom (based on research with rats’ brains, it turns out) is that this region of the brain is devoted to spatial orientation and long term memory. This is what a neuroscientist friend of mine told me in the ‘80s, and it’s reflected in the Wikipedia article linked to above. These two functions may appear to have no obvious relationship, but as a structural cultural anthropologist, it has always made sense to me — to my way of thinking, the hippocampus must be involved with the process of symbolization, the encoding of experiences into symbolic structures, many of whose structural armatures map onto spatial metaphors, such as left|right, up|down, etc.
Now what Zacks (or some recent research he builds on) adds to the picture is that the hippocampus also plays a role in segmentation where time perception and short term memory are in operation. So there is some sense in which the proportion — short-term memory : time :: long-term memory : space — links these core ontological dimensions at the basis of cognition. I find this idea very interesting because (1) it correlates memory with ontology, and (2) it’s the opposite of what you might think — surely time perception (perception beyond the present) involves long-term memory, and space perception would scaffold short-term memory. Perhaps in the transduction of experience into memory, such a reversal is necessary. (Or perhaps this view is the product of too philosophical a mind, one prone to seeing connections between abstractions where there are none.)
One of the most interesting parts of Zacks’ thesis is the process by which event boundaries are perceived, or rather, defined by the brain. Apparently, boundaries are inserted where the brain experiences what Zacks calls “prediction error” — when things break a pattern of repetition and thus signal to the brain a boundary that is used to construct the temporal model for the event — its typical sequence. Zacks did not mention this, but I would be surprised if this capacity were not in some way connected with the capacity of the brain to perceive information in Shannons’s sense. For prediction error is an excellent name for the newness that his negative entropy equation defines. My tentative hypothesis is that we must be wired to both perceive information in this sense, and to make use of it in the formation of perceptual structures which, in turn, become the materials from which cognitive structures are built.
Now I mention this because the response of the audience — comprised mainly of educational experts — and of Zacks himself is that one practical lesson from his research is that creators of narrative content, such as film, should make an effort to provide more obvious segmentation in their products. Clearly, if this is how the brain works, we should work this way too.
I think this is a major fallacy that pervades the reception of brain science research. People tend to assume that if the brain works a certain way, then so should we. I call it the fallacy of brain-behavior mirroring (at least until I come up with a better name), a more recent variant of the mirror of nature fallacy described by Rorty. For example, since we know (since Kant and then Gestalt psychology) that the brain actively constructs objects from experience, then, the argument goes, we should have students actively construct things too. But clearly, if the brain already works a certain way, then it works that way — in spite of, or perhaps because of, how we behave, oblivious to a detailed description of its workings. In the case of event segmentation, it seems clear to me that Zacks’ research suggests an opposite lesson — it says that people who can perceive prediction failures can also segment experiences, and thereby gain cognitively. If so, then the lesson is to get good at perceiving and creating event boundaries, which requires not pre-segmented media, but the opposite — hard to grasp art, stuff that violates expectations and rewards the perciever with a different perspective. In fact, giving students media with well defined boundaries may cause their capacity to construct boundaries to atrophy, much as caffeine causes our adrenal glands to shrink. (I know, it’s a good reason to stop drinking coffee.)
Now it turns out that some research form the University of California at Santa Barbara corroborates this view. According to the headline of the New York Times,’ piece in this work, nonsense — such as the absurdist work of Kafka — sharpens the intellect. (Another summary of this research is entitled This is Your Brain on Kafka.) Essentially, your brain has to work hard to make sense of things, which it is evolved to do, and this has the side effect of making you smarter, or at least sharper in the period following the effort to make sense where there is none. And what is nonsense but prediction failure on a large scale?
So, what is the pedagogical and media design lesson here? Learning Teaching is not about making content easy to ingest, it’s about creating environments where students can play this game of meaning formation, which isn’t always stress-free. Marketers may disagree, but they are in the business of indoctrination, not teaching.
Posted in Neuroscience | 1 Comment »
June 7th, 2009 Rafael Alvarado
RDF Schema Definition Language&rft.source=The Transducer&rft.date=2009-06-07&rft.identifier=http://transducer.ontoligent.com/?p=534&rft.language=English&rft.aulast=Alvarado&rft.aufirst=Rafael&rft.subject=Comparative Ontology">
When I get the time, I’m going to write a vocabulary creation language to support structuralist text interpretation. It will consist of two specs: one to handle the marking up the surface features of text, such as rhetorical figures and tropes. This will be based on my work with the Princeton Charrette Project and it will likely incorporate some ideas from Steven Bird’s work on annotation graphs. The second will be either an extension of or a variant of SKOS and|or OWL designed to represent extracted symbolic structures. It will incorporate predicates to handle relations of signification, such as has_part, has_analogy, and has_metonym, between the elements represented in the first language. At a larger level, I want to represent holistic dimensions such as context and level, as well as narratological things like encompassment, transformation, inversion, and liminality.
One of the big problems I see in this project is an apparent limitation in RDF to support triples about triples. For example, an analogy is a relation between structures, not terms. The assertion A : B :: C : D is, at minumum, an assertation about the relationship between two assertations, A : B and C : D. (The predicate of the assertions themselves is usually X has_part Y.) An anology looks something like this then:
[A has_part B] just_as [C has_part D]
The easiest way to accomplish this task would be to provide URIs for each RDF triple. I haven’t seen a general solution to this problem. I know I can create local URIs within a specific triple store, and use these in triples. But I need to define an RDF triple as a datatype first. And I anticipate problems further downstream; I wonder if the current RDF toolset is designed to handle indexing and inferencing of these kinds of triples.
If anyone has suggestions about how to handle this issue, I’d be glad to hear them.
AFTERTHOUGHT:
After writing this, it strikes me that to say that two triples are analogous is just to say that they share a predicate–so long as that predicate is sufficiently specified. To assert an analogy, then, is to assert that such an identity is important or relevant in a certain context.
Posted in Comparative Ontology | 7 Comments »
May 12th, 2009 Rafael Alvarado
Comparative ontology asserts that humans already have ontologies, and that machine ontologies are both projections of human ontologies (those of the numerati) and material agents that intervene in the ongoing reproduction of ontologies (everyone else’s). Developers of ontologies for the web of linked data would do well to understand the nature of human ontologies, as well as they way machine ontologies intervene in the ongoing construction of social life.
Human ontologies are not like ROM programs, hard-wired into our brains and executed without modification; they are designed to be reprogrammed through engagement with the world. They are one of our most effective adaptive traits.
Ontologies are adaptive
Anthropologists have studied ontologies in the wild for a long time, under the various categories of “structure,” “symbolism,” “culture” and “collective representations.” One of the most important contributors to the study of ontology is the American cultural anthropologist Marshall Sahlins.
Sahlins began as a cultural materialist but had a road to Damascus experience in the 1970s in which he got culture. You may recognize his name as the unfortunate target of fellow anthropologist Gananath Obeyesekere, who criticized Sahlins’ interpretation of the events leading to Captain Cook’s death in Hawai’i as orientalist. In fact, Obeyesekere’s criticism was an exercise in occidentalist stereotyping and, in any case, Sahlins’ control of the material eventually proved his critic’s position incoherent.
Sahlins’ principal theoretical contibution to cultural anthropology has been to retrieve the concept of cultural structure from the ahistorical, formalist, and mechanistic conception developed by Lévi-Strauss, whose own work on mythology belies his more theoretical pronouncements. Rather than separating structure from event (and history), and locating the former deeply within a universal mind–like a camshaft responsible for the jigsaw puzzle of culture–Sahlins focuses on what he calls the “structure of the conjuncture” of structure and event. History emerges as a culturally distinctive second-order structure that results from the ongoing work of categories in praxis. So categories have a structure, but that structure undergoes reevaluation and change as it is applied to the world.
In this, Sahlins is consistent with both Victor Turner’s understanding of processual structure in ritual behavior, and Bourdieu’s concept of the habitus which mediates, through improvization, the “dialectic of objectification and embodiment.” In fact, I believe that the revised structuralism developed by these anthropologists (and others) is coherent enough to deserve a name; I call it “neostructuralism.”
In Islands of History Sahlins describes the process of cultural (ontological) change in terms of the “risk of reference”: as cultures classify things in the world–as they deploy ontologies–they also put these ontologies at risk. For things in the world do not always behave as classified, or planned. Even the sun has an occasional eclipse. Although the keepers of culture–from priests to grandmothers–try to enforce adherence to the categories, the behavior of things will inevitably contradict the categories and call for their revision. Sahlins reads the Hawai’ian’s classification of Captain Cook as Lono as just such a world changing event.
Ritual is one mechanism humans use to synchronize the world with world view. As people grow, for example, and change statuses, rites of passage are used to mediate this “contradiction” and reclassify people so that they can fit into the system. Another mechanism is prophecy, where the reverse is true–world views are aligned with a world that has changed. Millenarian movements are the classic example of this: a prophet emerges who can make sense of the new in terms of the old, but changes the old in the process.
Rituals and prophetic movements are the original forms of change management.
This is the ongoing work of culture. Cultural reproduction is never mechanical. That is one reason we humans have history. There is always a disproportion between words and things, plans and situations.
Texts, as forms of discourse, can be likened to rituals and prophetic movements. Novels in particular are efforts to both makes sense of and influence the world, a task in which they often succeed. They deploy a set of categories that make sense, to the author at least, in a certain time and place. The risk of reference works at various levels–from the basal meanings of words out of which tropes are created, to the description of scenes in which the unsaid is shared among a presumed audience, to more elaborate allegorical mappings of fictional characters to real persons. But the referrential risk of textuality is compounded as the message is removed from its original personal, cultural, and historical contexts, and the world of the text is forced to fit new contexts for new readers. Hermeneutics arose as a method to retrieve meanings lost in this way; Roman Law and the Christian Bible being two major examples of distanced texts being applied and reapplied to new situations. The French philosopher and hereneutic theorist Paul Ricoeur called the result of this risk the “surplus of meaning” in a text, and saw it at as an opportunity for a kind of ontological excavation.
Databases (and the point of this post)
Now, a data model, such as a set of tables and fields in a relational database, an XML schema of elements and attributes, or an RDF vocabulary of classes and properties, is a plan, a schema of classification. And database applications, like rituals and texts, have their own forms of referential risk to contend with. They classify the world and, in the process, both effect the world they classify and open themselves up for revision by that world as it changes.
For example, the categories produced by a requirements elicitation process for an application designed to improve some workflow, and encoded in a database that sits at the bottom of an application stack, may not accurately represent the workflow as it is actually practiced, and as it will inevitably change as new developments take place–changing personnel, clients, strategic plans, etc. The database, then, is put into a situation–the situation of the conjuncture–into which its categories are at risk.
In this situation, databases are like texts–they are built on the armature of a hard-coded ontology, and they can move beyond their original domain of applicatibility.
But unlike most texts, and very much like sacred texts, database applications (and their administrators) are usually given a central position within an organization. They are often deployed as key elements of an enterprise architecture that calls the institutional shots. Thus they can insulate themselves from referential risk. They can force conformity to their logic–as Michael Wesch’s New Guinea villagers redesigned their settlement pattern to conform to the government census–or they can produce a black market of behaviors in an organization that bypasses the database governed workflow. This is what faculty do who are forced to use an LMS but would rather use Google Docs.
Comparative ontology can help here. If we view ontologies as always situated, then we should (1) design systems for maximum flexibility and adaptabilty, and (2) learn a lesson from the ritual life of peoples around the world and throughout history: engage our ontologies in constant reevaluation and modification, making the world (of our organizations) fit where appropriate, and also refining the categories to fit the world.
To meet the first challenge, we shouldn’t create overwrought ontologies, but rather focus on just enough classification to achieve the effects we need. Usually, the effects we are most concerned with are connecting people to people, people to information, and information to information, in as few links as possible.
To meet the second challenge, we may want to refine what we mean by “social operating system”–for that is precisely what a ritual system is. Maybe it’s time to follow McLuhan’s advice and exploit the ritual effects of the electric, in order to mitigate and shape the more dangerous effects of the electronic. When we build ontologies, maybe we should also be thinking of the physical and virtual spaces in which they will be deployed, and the material and digital artifacts that will be their vehicles of expression.
Posted in Anthropology, Comparative Ontology, Media Theory | No Comments »
May 11th, 2009 Rafael Alvarado
I am all for user-driven design methodologies. My instinct is to distrust the Central IT ethos of “we know better” because “we think more rationally about things” and all that. That perspective is based on a simultaneous over-valuing of a linear, rational notion of process (“planning”) and a grudging acceptance of user behavior as “cultural” and therefore outside the scope a requirements gathering process.
The term “non-functional requirements” speaks volumes and captures the Central IT attitude very well. Under that category, the whole point of effective software design is swept under the rug. We know that software will be most effective when it adapts to user behavior and vice versa, but we often sidestep that issue, hoping for incremental, evolutionary changes to produce the desired effects over the long run. We miss the opportunity to innovate, leaving that to the less timid.
But I also find that user-centric methodologies are based on naive assumptions about what users want, or who The User is, or what the point of the user research is in the first place. Unless you have a very restricted audience for your software–and admittedly one often does–it is very difficult to translate the views of a few people, whether captured by focus group, survey, or even participant-observation, into generalized principles for an application. Ultimately, good design is what works, and we retrospectively attribute success to our process. But we really have no clue.
What is it that one is capturing by user-centric research, anyway? The attitudes and dispositions within a class of individuals? This can’t be it. User attitudes and mental models are highly variable, and they are mutable because humans are adaptive, more than we think. If you build software based on some static notion of what users want, what they say they want, you will miss the effect software has on redefining what they really want. This is because users inhabit cultural environments, and software inevitably has effects on those environments. If you focus too much on the abstract user–what’s “in” the user–you will often have the feeling of the goal posts moving. Or you may end up dismissing the user altogether as fickle and irresponsible, and go on with your own design ideas. If you design software for a living, I am sure you know what I am talking about.
I think the proper focus of user-centric software design has to be the user-in-context. That is, not the user but the Situation. But sutuation defined in a specific, rigorous way. Situation as the objective, institutional framework of power and infrastructure in which people work. This is difficult terrain to study, hedged in as it is by all sort of taboos and misrecognitions that keep the social gears moving. Let me give you an example.
One of the areas where the Central IT software design ethos dominates is in the area of document management. Two factors drive the design of solutions: (1) developers assume (know) that paperlessness is a Good Thing, and (2) the paper-based workflows that users are enmeshed in are so crufty, complex, and idiosyncratic that it is impossible for users to describe them in enough detail to re-engineer them. The result is that the digital document management solution will almost always build around people’s behavior, or else it will break workflows where it has to. So, instead of stepping back and rethinking what the data flows entailed by a paper form entail, or taking advantage of the metasocial moment and asking Why are We Doing This in the First Place, document-logic is reproduced in the software. The efffect is not to reproduce the old way, and make it more efficient. It is something unpredictable and bound to have hidden consequences, not all of which can be good. Most likely, we’ve preserved the notorious stupidity of bureaucracies and have ensured its continued survival in a mutant and more powerful form. Because once categories get encoded in institutional databases, the tail wags the dog. Think health insurance.
So, what to do? I suggest that we pursue theory-driven design. We actually try to make sense of the sociology and anthropology of bureaucracies and operationalize the best ideas in these discourses as design principles. We think of how software behaves as an assemblage of artifacts in a living cultural environment. This is not social engineering, nor is it to tread the tired path of “organizational behavior,” a field that is too closely tied to the executive perspective. It is to pursue a rich, empirical understanding of software in the wild, or at least, the office.
Theory-driven design is not anti-empirical. It is the opposite: for a good theory generates testable hypotheses. It gives a framework to user-centric research beyond the unanswerable quest for what users really want. As they say, there is nothing so practical as a good theory.
A good starting point might be to take Ted Nelson’s ideas about documents and hypertext and combine them with, say, David Graeber’s critical anthropology of bureaucracy. Not to condone the anarchism of Graeber, but to lever the authenticity of perspective he brings to a discussion about the role of documents in the organization. Reading his essay, “Beyond Power/Knowledge an exploration of the relation of power, ignorance and stupidity,” it is hard not to believe that a radical rethinking of the document, and document-logic, would not benefit from his perspective.
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May 4th, 2009 Rafael Alvarado
I suppose it is the prerogative of different generations to simultaneously dismiss and retrieve old ideas by introducing new words for them. I have in mind words like “metacognition” and “knowledge management.” In both cases there is an existing word that more or less describes the referent of the new(ish) word: epistemology and education respectively. Both metacognition and epistemology refer to, roughly, the activity of “thinking about thinking,” and the core mission of education is the management of knowledge — producing it, storing it, reproducing it, etc. However, in each case, the intent of the new word is clearly different from the older one, and this difference can be attributed to a different organizational context: knowledge management is about education and research in corporate settings (now defined as “knowledge producers”), as opposed to society or the world at large, while metacognition has flourished within the relatively narrow context of academic departments of education.
But why the complete absence of the old words in the new discourses? Why not call metacognition something like “applied epistemology”? Or knowledge management “corporate education” or “corporate teaching and learning”? It can’t be for lack of familiarity with the older words. Nor can we assume that the newer words are more “sticky” and easier to use; that just begs the question. I think it’s clear that the problem with these constructions is their connotations: they carry too much semantic baggage.
But now here’s the thing: the new words do not simply stand alongside the old ones, they actually seem to take their places. The new words take the place of the old words at an abstract level–but then replace the implicit social meanings in the process. The effect is to implicitly usher in newer or different institutions in the space reserved for the old. So knoweldge management is about education, yes, but education in a business setting where knowledge is viewed as a competitive advantage, not a general good for the betterent of humankind. And, eventually, this will have implications for education itself, as essays like “Applying Corporate Knowledge Management Practices in Higher Education” become more common.
Similarly, metacognition is about epistemology, but not as an abstract philosophical concern, nor one tied to the remote activity of a purely scientific enterprise as it once was; it is epistemology in the service of classroom teaching and learning, where the users of the word no doubt think it belongs. So the effect of the word “metacognition” is to usher out the ivory tower and to replace it with the more populist institution of the classroom. And this meaning is consistent with the current ethos of educational populism, as expressed in wider ideas like connectivism.
So language really does embody the social: these words are actually the encodings and amplifiers of social changes happening right now. Perhaps those of us familiar with the older names of things would do well to note these shifts and pay attention to their institutional commitments.
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